Friday, 20 December 2013

BOSIRE BOGONKO SET TO MAKE A COME BACK


Jubilee Blogger Bosire Bogonko who went underground around the time of the WestGate attack is set to make an epic comeback with information he claims will rattle the mantle of Kenyan politics

Mr. Bogonko disappearance has been surrounded  by tons of myths and rumors with  some reports indicating that he might have died in the Westgate attack while others including the latest one saying that Mr. Bosire was killed by PSCU strongman Dennis Itumbi. Which is a lie as Mr Itumbi and Bogonko were close friends and associates.

Mr. Bogonko is well and sound and will be making a re-appearance shortly. Watch this space

BENSOUDA ADMITS SHE HAS NO CASE AGAINST PRESIDENT UHURU KENYATTA



In an unprecedented move ICC Chief prosecutor Fatou Bensouda has finally admitted that she has nothing on Kenya's President H.E. Uhuru Kenyatta. Citing lack of evidence and withdrawal of key witnesses admitted what most Kenyans knew all along

Miss Bensouda who exuded confidence when she assumed office that she had enough evidence to have President Kenyatta and Deputy William Ruto convicted, was forced to eat humble pie last evening and admitt that the case was headed south


Seeing that President Kenyatta's case is set for collapse even before it has began, it remains to be seen what will happen to Ruto since so far the Witnesses that the prosecution has presented against him have thoroughly embarrassed themselves and the prosecution.

Thursday, 19 December 2013

MOSES WETANGULA ,BONNY KHALWALE AND CHRIS WAMALWA ARRESTED!!



CORD Principal Moses Wetangula and two of his cronnies Chris Wamalwa and Bonny Khalwale have been arrested and are being held at Kimilili Police station over allegations of assaulting a Bungoma voter

The Man only identified as Barasa claims to have been roughed up by the trio for raising alarm over free Sugar that Mr. Wetangula and the two were giving out despite expiration of the campaign period yesterday.

Wetangula is contesting the Bungoma Senatorial seat which fell vacant after a High Court annulled his election in the March General election along his arch rival Musikari Kombo and Others. 

Monday, 9 December 2013

PRESIDENT UHURU KENYATTA LAUNCHES 50 BOB COIN IN LINE WITH THE KENYA@50 CELEBRATIONS

 50bob
Many activities and gigs have been lined up for this week to help celebrate 50 years of independence for Kenya this coming Thursday. Another step has been taken by the government as a result of this, a 50 bob coin has been unveiled.
Kenya at 50
The coin was unveiled by the president, Uhuru Kenyatta to commemorate Golden Jubilee ahead of Kenya at 50 celebrations. The celebrations will take place on 12th December as usual with hopeful Kenyans making their way to the ‘sherehe’ venue to mark this day together with the president and other dignitaries.
In addition to that, this year two days have been declared as public holiday 12 and 13th December to ensure sufficient time for celebrations completion.
Here is a picture of the 50 shilling coin unveiled today:

Friday, 15 November 2013

RIOTS BREAK OUT IN MACHAKOS AS GOONS BURN DOWN PROPERTY AND PROTEST AGAINST MUTUA'S PLAN




Chaos has erupted in the normally peaceful  Machackos City after goons and hooligans stormed the Town and started razing down houses, and Chanting anti-Governor Mutua chants ,
The Goons clearly sympathetic to the cause of Machakos Senator Johnstone Muthama are wrecking havoc in the town presently. All the businesses are currently closed as the rowdy hired crowds march across Town protesting against  Governor Mutua's development advances.
Governor Alfred Mutua who was electeed on a WIPER ticket is celebrated across the Country for his ambitious development and Investor attractive plans.
It is said that the bitter spat between Sen. Muthama and Governor Mutua started when Mutua refused to Kneel before Muthama and acknowledge his supremacy.
These riots will be largely seen as Jelous retaliation from Muthama after the Launch of Macha City which was unveiled by President Uhuru Kenyatta who also is not in the best terms with Muthama

Thursday, 14 November 2013

20 WITNESSES CONFIRM WITHDRAWAL FROM RUTO/SANG CASE


The Chamber had received information that 93 victims allegedly signed a letter, dated 5 June 2013, in which they indicated their wish to withdraw from ICC proceedings.

The Chamber found that of these 93 individuals, 47 are within the scope of the Ruto and Sang case. Of these 47 victims who allegedly signed the letter, 7 are now saying they still want to participate as a victims in the case, and 20 have confirmed their withdrawal
Regarding the 20 individuals who confirmed their wish to withdraw, their decision to withdraw could have been motivated by a range of factors, including security concerns. Therefore, their withdrawal shall only have a bearing on their procedural status. This means  that they will be removed from the database, but that they may be included again if they wish to participate in the future.
The Chamber indicated that victims may register, withdraw or re-register their participation in these proceedings as they freely decide. However, unless a victim individually and freely communicates his/her wish to withdraw from the proceedings, he/she should continue to be registered as a participating victim
Background
A victim is a person who has suffered harm as a result of the commission of a crime within the ICC’s jurisdiction. The Rome Statute ensures that a number of rights are accorded to victims, the most ground-breaking of which is the right to participate in proceedings independently of the Prosecution or Defence. Victims have the right to have their own legal representative in the Courtroom presenting their concerns and personal interests to the Court.

Wednesday, 6 November 2013

PRESIDENT UHURU KENYATTA FIRES MUTUTHO AS NACADA BOSS


The appointment of former Naivasha MP John Mututho as the chairman of the National Authority for Campaign Against Alcohol and Drug Abuse (Nacada) has been revoked by President Uhuru Kenyatta via a Kenya Gazzette notice of October 24, 2013. There are no reasons given for the revocation, but Mr Mututho said he had resigned voluntarily in order to be vetted by Parliament.
This comes only a few weeks after his appointment , A short term which faced several challenges.
A section of MPs and the civil society had opposed Mr Mututho’s appointment, saying it was not done procedurally.
“I have submitted myself voluntarily to this process in order to remove any doubts about my suitability to hold this office,” said Mr Mututho.
The former MP referred us to Mr Mutea Iringo, the Interior Principal Secretary, for further comment. However, Mr Iringo was unavailable for comment

 Soon after coming into office, Mr Mututho waded straight into a debate on whether miraa should be banned or not. He surprised many when he said that miraa is not a drug as Nacada has long maintained, a statement which seems to have rubbed some at the Authority the wrong way.
“His statement meant undoing years of work that we have been doing towards fighting drug abuse,” said a senior source at Nacada who did not wish to be named. “We felt that his remarks about miraa were rash,” he said.

Tuesday, 5 November 2013

NEW JERSEY MALL SHOOTING UNFOLDING ALMOST LIKE THE WESTGATE ATTACK


A lone gunman opened fire at the Westfield Garden State Plaza in Paramus, N.J., on Monday night, News 12 reported.
Witnesses on the scene said the shots were fired near the Nordstrom department store on the second level of the shopping mall just after 9 p.m.
Hundreds of police officers and SWAT team members responded to the incident, filling the mall's parking lot with cars, armored trucks and flashing lights. The mall was placed in lockdown for several hours as officers searched for the gunman and evacuated patrons and store employees.
 By 11 p.m., authorities told MYFoxNY that it was no longer an active shooter situation.
Authorities believe the shooter left the mall, but his location is unknown.
The New York Daily News reported that the gunman was wearing some sort of body armor. Mall workers told Patch that the gunman had on black leather pants and jacket, a backpack and a motorcycle helmet with the visor opened.
Clarice Forbes, who works at Talbot's, told Patch that she saw the gunman walk by her, shooting a rifle into the air.
“It was very, very terrifying. Very scary,” Forbes said.


Eddie Kahmann, who also works inside the mall, described a chaotic scene to CNN.
"There was just people running like crazy, so I quickly just closed my doors, ran to the back, turned off all the lights, music and everything, just to stay hidden," Kahmann said.
Paramus Mayor Richard LaBarbiera told MYFoxNY that only one shell casing was found inside the building.
At the time of this writing, there have been no reports of casualties.

 Multiple shots were fired inside a northern New Jersey mall shortly before closing time Monday night, and there are no reports of fatalities or injuries, a county official said.
Bergen County spokeswoman Jeanne Baratta told The Associated Press that a call went out that shots were had been fired at the Garden State Plaza Mall shortly before the facility's 9:30 p.m. closing time. She said authorities found one bullet casing.
Hundreds of law enforcement officers converged on a mall, which was put on lockdown. New Jersey State Police landed a helicopter in the parking lot of the 2.2-million square foot facility, one of the state's largest and most popular shopping malls.
Baratta said SWAT teams and police with K-9 units were going through the mall and working to evacuate anyone who is still in there. As of 11:30 p.m., authorities believed there were still people in the mall, she said.
Jessica Stigliano, 21, of Richfield, told the AP that she was sitting in the mall's food court when she saw people running and yelling "shots were fired."
Stigliano said she also began running. She said at the time she was thinking, "Not many people run for their life, but that's what I'm doing right now."
She did not see a shooter. "It was scary to think that you could be that close to something like that," Stigliano said.




A manager at Chili's at Garden State Plaza told the AP they were on lockdown and could not leave. She said a manager at Nordstrom ran over to use the phone saying there had been a shooting. She did not say if the Nordstrom manager witnessed it.
Althea Brown, 26, of Paterson told NorthJersey.com she was in a clothing store when she saw a man walk by and then heard three shots followed by two more. She said he appeared to be wearing body armor and was wearing a helmet with the visor pulled up.
Several frightened customers sent tweets saying they were escorted from the mall by armed state troopers. One woman wrote that she ran from the mall "screaming."
The mall is located in Bergen County, about 17 miles northwest of Manhattan.

Tuesday, 29 October 2013

THE PEOPLE BEHIND SHOLLEI'S TRIBULATIONS

 
1. Christine Mango, (Chair of JSC): Turns out Prof Mango demanded to be paid a per diem of Sh20,000 everyday for allegedly having to travel every day from Busia to Nairobi. Eventually, Shollei opposed this plan and the two ‘settled’ on an accommodation allowance whose figure was not disclosed. The Prof was not satisfied and sought to find ways of chasing out Shollei.

2. Commissioner Emily Ominde: Shollei alleges that Commissioner Ominde a Raila operative in the JSC never liked her or support her in all her plans. ”She always found a way to oppose everything I presented in the JSC,” said Shollei.


3. Commissioner Abdullahi Ahmednassir: According to Shollei, Ahmednassir wanted her to buy a property to be used as a courthouse in Eastleigh, Nairobi. “But I told him we did not need such a thing and he was not happy about it and hasn’t liked me ever since,” said Shollei.

4. Justice Mohammed Warsame: Shollei alleges that Justice Warsame wanted her to employ some acquaintances of his within the judiciary, something she however refused to do without following due process.
 
5.Chief Justice Willy Mutunga : He was always intimidated by my presence, My name was always on the media and he particularly took it really hard when I swore the President and he himself was relegated to a mere witness. Unlike in the past where the CJ swore in the President

Saturday, 26 October 2013

A WORLD ANGRY AT THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA OVER HACKING AND EAVESDROPPING CLAIMS

 

Revelations that the US has been monitoring mobile phones,including that of German Chancellor Angela Merkel have caused a worldwide furore.The claims are threatening diplomatic ties between the US and other countries,with Germany summoning US ambassador John Emerson yesterday.

-Angela Merkel says America must re-earn Germany's trust after phone-tapping revelations

-Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff cancelled a state visit to the US and slammed Washington at the United Nations General Assembly following allegations that the National Security Agency(NSA) was spying on Brazilian government and commercial interests.

-Mexicos’s new President Enrique Pena Nieto is making hay from claims that the NSA hacked his personal email.

-French President Monsieur Francois Hollande has aleady called for the matter to be put on the summit agenda following reports that millions of French calls had been monitored.

-David Cameron on his part says the Snowden revelations have been damaging to the UK’s national security.

Mr.Snowden,a former contractor for the CIA,left the US in late May after leaking to the media details of extensive internet and phone surveillance by American Intelligence.Via the MirrorUK.

Tuesday, 22 October 2013

FOURTH ICC PROSECUTION WITNESS AGAINST RUTO EXPOSED!!

 
GIDEON KUBAI... A grandchild to respected freedom fighter FRED KUBAI from mai mahiu is the witness against RUTO on stage now... he paticipated on last elections on LPK mai mahiu ward and lost his ard 30yrs. Here is his photo
This comes as bloggers work around the clock to reveal the Identities of  the shielded witnesses .Despite Judge Osuji's warning
FACTS ABOUT ICC WITNESS 5;

-ICC witness 5 is the founder of an NGO called Fred Kubai Foundation Trust.

-The NGO has bee involved in "collecting and paying school fees for the IDPS' children in Vumilia and Jikaze IDP camps in Maai Mahiu"
2007~2008,

-He was a tout at the Maai Mahiu stage apart from being involved in other "community activities" in & around Maai Mahiu.

Sunday, 20 October 2013

KNOW YOUR GOVERNOR's CONTACTS; HOLD THEM TO ACCOUNT;


1. Gov Ahmed A. Mohamed, Wajir~0722521244
2. Gov Alex T. Olgos, Elgeyo Marakwet~0722591623
3. Gov Alfred Mutua, Machakos~0721240448
4. Gov Ali I. Roba, Mandera~0728300043
5. Gov Amason J. Kingi~0733826203
6. Gov Benjamin Cheboi~Baringo
7. Gov Cornel Rasanga~Siaya
8. Gov Cyprian O. Awiti, Homa Bay~0722539627
9. Gov David Ole Nkedianye, Kajiado~0725446165
10. Gov Evans O. Kidero, Nairobi~0728601299
11. Gov Godana D. Adhi, Isiolo~0715804177
12. Gov Hassan A. Joho, Mombasa~0722162223
13. Gov Isaac Rutto, Bomet~0722855077
14. Gov Jack N. Ranguma, Kisumu~0722518158
15. Gov Jackson Mandago, Uasin Gishu~0722875229
16. Gov Nderitu J. Gachagua, Nyeri~0716693266
17. Gov James O. Ongwae, Kisii~0737499474
18. Gov John M. Mruttu~0722410388
19. Gov John N. Nyagarama, Narok~0720955171
20. Gov Joshua W. Irungu, Laikipia~0710632133
21. Gov Josphat K. Nanok Turkana~0722663106
22. Gov Julius K. Malombe, Kitui~0722720156
23. Gov Kenneth M. Lusaka, Bungoma~0722314959
24. Gov Kinuthia Mbugua, Nakuru~0728696969
25. GovKivutha Kibwana, Makueni~0721353057
26. Gov Lagat C. Kiprop~0721328998
27. Gov Martin N.Wambora, Embu~0722367310
28. Moses E. Akaranga, Vihiga~0720761057
29. Gov Moses K. Lenolkulal~0726375557
30. Gov Mvurya S. Mgalla, Kwale~0721565927
31. Gov Mwangi Wa Iria, Muranga~0720527205
32. Gov Nathif J. Adan, Garissa~0724999988
33. Gov Ndathi J. Kathuri~0722526494
34. Gov Patrick S. Khaemba, Trans Nzoia~0725358585
35. Gov Paul K. Chepkwony, Kericho~0721764948
36. Gov Peter G. Munya, Meru~0720723895
37. Gov Samuel M. Rangwa, Tharaka Nithi~0716581181
38. Gov. Simon K. Kitalei, West Pokot
39. Gov Sospeter O. Ojamoong, Busia~0708000785
40. Gov Timamy I. Abdalla, Lamu~0733624878
41. Gov Tuneya H. Dado, Tana River~0722116000
44. Gov Ukur Y. Kanacho, Marsabit~0728484471
45. Gov Wycliffe Oparanyah, Kakamega-0722521856
46. Gov William G. Kabogo, Kiambu~0716918818
47. Gov Zacharia O. Obado, Migori~0722469580

Saturday, 12 October 2013

PRESIDENT UHURU KENYATTA'S SPEECH AT THE EXTRAORDINARY AFRICAN UNION SUMMIT IN ETHIOPIA


Photo: Speech by EXCELLENCY HON. @UHURU KENYATTA, C.G.H., PRESIDENT AND
COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE DEFENCE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC OF KENYA AT THE
EXTRAORDINARY SESSION OF THE ASSEMBLY OF HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT OF
THE AFRICAN UNION, ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA, 12th OCTOBER, 2013

Chair of the African Union, Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn, Chair of the Commission of the African Union, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, Colleagues Head of State and Government, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen, It gives me special pleasure to join your Excellencies at this Special Summit, where we have assembled to reflect on very significant matters relating to the welfare and destiny of our nations and peoples.

I thank you for the honour of addressing you today, because as it happens, I crave my brother and sister Excellencies' views on some issues. We are privileged to lead the nations of a continent on the rise.

Africa rests at the centre of global focus as the continent of the future. Although we have been relentlessly exploited in the past, we remain with sufficient resources to invest in a prosperous future.

Whilst we have been divided and incited against one another before, we are now united and more peaceful.

Even as we grapple with a few regional conflicts, as Africans, we are taking proactive measures to ensure that all our people move together in the journey to prosperity in a peaceful home.

Even though we were dominated and controlled by imperialists and colonial interests in years gone by, we are now proud, independent and sovereign nations and people. We are looking to the future with hope, marching towards the horizon with confidence and working in unity.

This is the self evident promise that Africa holds for its people today. As leaders, we are the heirs of freedom fighters, and our founding fathers. These liberation heroes founded the Organisation of African Unity, which was dedicated to the eradication of ALL FORMS OF COLONIALSM.

Towards this end, the OAU defended the interests of independent nations and helped the cause of those that were still colonised. It sought to prevent member states from being controlled once again by outsider powers.

The founding fathers of African Unity were conscious that structural colonialism takes many forms, some blatant and extreme, like apartheid, while others are subtler and deceptively innocuous, like some forms of development assistance.

It has been necessary, therefore, for African leaders to constantly watch out against threats to our peoples' sovereignty and unity.

In our generation, we have honoured our fathers' legacies by guaranteeing that through the African Union, our countries and our people shall achieve greater unity, and that the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of our States shall not be trifled with.

More than ever, our destiny is in our hands. Yet at the same time, more than ever, it is imperative for us to be vigilant against the persistent machinations of outsiders who desire to control that destiny. We know what this does to our nations and people: subjugation and suffering.

Your Excellencies, The philosophies, ideologies, structures and institutions that visited misery upon millions for centuries ultimately harm their perpetrators. Thus the imperial exploiter crashes into the pits of penury. The arrogant world police is crippled by shambolic domestic dysfunction.

These are the spectacles of Western decline we are witnessing today. At the same time, other nations and continents rise and prosper. Africa and Asia continue to thrive, with their promise growing every passing day.

As our strength multiplies, and our unity gets deeper, those who want to control and exploit us become more desperate. Therefore, they abuse whatever power remains in their control.

The Swahili people say that one ascending a ladder cannot hold hands with one descending. The force of gravity will be compounded and the one going up only loses.

The International Criminal Court was mandated to accomplish these objectives by bringing to justice those criminal perpetrators who bear greatest responsibility for crimes.

Looking at the world in the past, at that time and even now, it was clear that there have always been instances of unconscionable impunity and atrocity that demand a concerted international response, and that there are vulnerable, helpless victims of these crimes who require justice as a matter of right.

This is the understanding, and the expectation of most signatories to the Rome Statute. The most active global powers of the time declined to ratify the Treaty, or withdrew somewhere along the way, citing several compelling grounds.

The British foreign secretary Robin Cook said at the time, that the International Criminal Court was not set up to bring to book Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom or Presidents of the United States. Had someone other than a Western leader said those fateful words, the word 'impunity' would have been thrown at them with an emphatic alacrity.

An American senator serving on the foreign relations committee echoed the British sentiments and said, "Our concern is that this is a court that is irreparably flawed, that is created with an independent prosecutor, with no checks and balances on his power, answerable to no state institution, and that this court is going to be used for politicized prosecutions."

The understanding of the States which subscribed to the Treaty in good faith was two-fold. First, that world powers were hesitant to a process that might make them accountable for such spectacularly criminal international adventures as the wars in Iraq, Syria, Libya, Afghanistan and other places, and such hideous enterprises as renditions and torture.

Such states did not, therefore, consider such warnings as applicable to pacific and friendly parties. Secondly, it was the understanding of good-faith subscribers that the ICC would administer and secure justice in a fair, impartial and independent manner and, as an international court, bring accountability to situations and perpetrators everywhere in the world. As well, it was hoped that the ICC would set the highest standards of justice and judicial processes.

Your Excellencies, As has been demonstrated quite thoroughly over the past decade, the good-faith subscribers had fallen prey to their high-mindedness and idealism. I do not need to tell your Excellencies about the nightmare my country in particular, and myself and my Deputy as individuals, have had to endure in making this realisation.

Western powers are the key drivers of the ICC process. They have used prosecutions as ruses and bait to pressure Kenyan leadership into adopting, or renouncing various positions. Close to 70 per cent of the Court's annual budget is funded by the European Union.

The threat of prosecution usually suffices to have pliant countries execute policies favourable to these countries.

Through it, regime-change sleights of hand have been attempted in Africa. A number of them have succeeded.

The Office of the Prosecutor made certain categorical pronouncements regarding eligibility for leadership of candidates in Kenya's last general election. Only a fortnight ago, the Prosecutor proposed undemocratic and unconstitutional adjustments to the Kenyan Presidency.

These interventions go beyond interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign State. They constitute a fetid insult to Kenya and Africa. African sovereignty means nothing to the ICC and its patrons. They also dovetail altogether too conveniently with the warnings given to Kenyans just before the last elections: choices have consequences.

This chorus was led by the USA, Britain, EU, and certain eminent persons in global affairs. It was a threat made to Kenyans against electing my Government. My Government's decisive election must be seen as a categorical rebuke by the people of Kenya of those who wished to interfere with our internal affairs and infringe our sovereignty.

Now Kenya has undergone numerous problems since its birth as a Republic 50 years ago. Yet over the same period, Kenya has also made tremendous progress. It is the same in all countries of Africa. At our Golden Jubilee, we look forward to a rebirth characterising the next 50 years, not a ceaseless harkening to our history.

I must make the point that we do not intend to forget, or discount the value of our history. Rather, we do want to learn from it, not live in it. As Kenya's President, it gives me a feeling of deep and lasting pride to know that I can count on the African Union to listen and help in trying times. Africa has always stood by our side.

When we faced violent disagreements over the 2007 election result, my distinguished predecessor, Mwai Kibaki came to you with a request for help, and you did not stint. You instituted a high-level team of Eminent Persons who came to our assistance.

Because of that, we were able to summon the confidence to speak to each other and agree. As a result, we put in place a 4-point plan, which not only put Kenya back on track, but formed the basis of the most rapid political, legal and social reform ever witnessed in our country.

Through it, we successfully mediated the dispute surrounding the 2007 election and pacified the country. A power-sharing coalition was formed with a mandate to undertake far-reaching measures to prevent future violent disputes, entrench the rule of law, prevent abuses of legal power and entrench equity in our body politic while also securing justice for the victims of the post-election violence.

We enacted a new, progressive constitution which instituted Devolution of power and resources, strengthened the protection of fundamental rights, and enhanced institutional and political checks and balances. It also provided the legal foundation for the national economic transformation roadmap, Vision 2030.

The project of national transformation presently underway in Kenya was given tremendous impetus by your Excellencies' needful intervention. On the basis of this constitution we have instituted legislation and established institutions to realise the people's basic rights, ensure transparency and accountability and protect the popular sovereignty of Kenyans.

A new Judiciary and electoral commission have ensured that we have credible elections and dispute resolution.

Your Excellencies, The people of Ethiopia warn against the deplorable presumption of chopping up meat for a lion; I cannot teach you your work, nor force you to accept my position.

Please institute a mechanism to empirically verify what I have told you. My part is to thank you on behalf of the people of Kenya for your help.

After the successful mediation of the post-election controversy in 2008, there was disagreement over the best way to bring the perpetrators of post-election violence to account and secure justice for the victims.

One proposal was to set up a local tribunal to try the cases, while another was to refer the matter to the ICC. The Mediator who had been appointed by your Excellencies referred the matter to the ICC when the disagreement persisted.

On the basis of this referral, the Prosecutor stated that he had launched investigations which, he claimed, established that 6 persons had committed crimes against humanity. According to the Prosecutor, your Excellencies, I fall among those men.

Your Excellencies,
From the beginning of the cases, I have fully cooperated with the Court in the earnest expectation that it afforded the best opportunity for me to clear my name. I have attended court whenever required and complied with every requirement made of me in connection with my case.

Other Kenyans charged before that court have similarly cooperated fully. The Government has cooperated to the maximum; the Court itself found that Kenya's Government has fully complied in 33 out of 37 instances, and was only prevented from cooperating 100 per cent by legal and constitutional constraints.

After my election, we have continued to fully cooperate. As earlier stated, we see it as the only means to achieve personal vindication, but also to protect our country from prejudice. As I address your Excellencies, my deputy is sitting - in person - in that Court.

Proceedings continue revealing the evidence against us to be reckless figments and fabrications every passing day. I cannot narrate quite accurately the calculated humiliation and stigma the prosecution has inflicted on us at every turn, within and outside the proceedings.

It is all consistent with a political agenda, rather than a quest for justice. For 5 years I have strained to cooperate fully, and have consistently beseeched the Court to expedite the cases.

Yet the gratuitous libel and prejudice I have encountered at the instance of the Prosecution seeks to present me as a fugitive from justice who is guilty as charged. All I have requested as President is to be allowed to execute my constitutional obligations as the forensic side of things is handled by my lawyers.

Even as we maintain our innocence, it has always been my position, shared by my deputy, that the events of 2007 represented the worst embarrassment to us as a nation, and a shock to our self-belief.

We almost commenced the rapid descent down the precipitous slope of destruction and anarchy. Its aftermath was similarly an unbearable shame.

We are a people who properly take pride in our achievements and our journey as a nation. The fact that over that time we had lost direction, however briefly, was traumatising.

That is the genesis of our rebirth. Until our ascension to the Presidency of Kenya, thousands of internally-displaced persons remained in camps.

It is generally difficult to resettle many people owing to scarcity of land and sensitivity to their preference. But we have undertaken to ensure that no Kenyan will be left behind in our journey to progress.

Resettling the IDP therefore was a particularly urgent assignment for us. Within 6 months of assuming office, we resettled all of them, and closed the displacement camps for good. Our efforts at pacifying the main protagonists in the PEV have similarly borne fruit.

So much so, that the reconciliation efforts gave birth to a successful political movement which won the last general election. This not only speaks to the success of reconciliation, but also testifies to its popular endorsement by the majority of the people of Kenya.

We certainly do not bear responsibility at any level for the post-election violence of 2007, but as leaders, we felt it incumbent upon us to bear responsibility for reconciliation and leadership of peace.

Our Government wants to lead Kenya to prosperity founded on national stability and security. Peace is indispensable to this aspiration. Reconciliation, therefore was not merely good politics; it is key to everything we want to achieve as a Government.

Your Excellencies,
America and Britain do not have to worry about accountability for international crimes. Although certain norms of international law are deemed peremptory, this only applies to non-Western states. Otherwise, they are inert. It is this double standard and the overt politicisation of the ICC that should be of concern to us here today.

It is the fact that this court performs on the cue of European and American governments against the sovereignty of African States and peoples that should outrage us. People have termed this situation "race-hunting". I find great difficulty adjudging them wrong.

What is the fate of International Justice? I daresay that it has lost support owing to the subversive machinations of its key proponents. Cynicism has no place in justice. Yet it takes no mean amount of selfish and malevolent calculation to mutate a quest for accountability on the basis of truth, into a hunger for dramatic sacrifices to advance
geopolitical ends.

The ICC has been reduced into a painfully farcical pantomime, a travesty that adds insult to the injury of victims. It stopped being the home of justice the day it became the toy of declining
imperial powers.

This is the circumstance which today compels us to agree with the reasons US, China, Israel, India and other non-signatory States hold for abstaining from the Rome Treaty.

In particular, the very accurate observations of John R Bolton who said, "For numerous reasons, the United States decided that the ICC had unacceptable consequences for our national sovereignty. Specifically, the ICC is an organization that runs contrary to fundamental American precepts and basic constitutional principles of popular sovereignty, checks and balances and national independence."

Our mandate as AU, and as individual African States is to protect our own and each other's independence and sovereignty. The USA and other nations abstained out of fear. Our misgivings are born of bitter experience.

Africa is not a third-rate territory of second-class peoples. We are not a project, or experiment of outsiders. It was always impossible for us to uncritically internalise notions of justice implanted through that most unjust of institutions: colonialism.

The West sees no irony in preaching justice to a people they have disenfranchised, exploited, taxed and brutalised.

Our history serves us well: we must distrust the blandishments of those who have drunk out of the poisoned fountain of imperialism.

The spirit of African pride and sovereignty has withstood centuries of severe tribulation. I invoke that spirit of freedom and unity today before you. It is a spirit with a voice that rings through all generations of human history. It is the eternal voice of a majestic spirit which will never die.

Kenya is striving mightily, and wants to work with its neighbours and friends everywhere to attain a better home, region and world. Kenya seeks to be treated with dignity as a proud member of the community of nations which has contributed immensely, with limited resources, to the achievement of peace, security and multilateralism.

Kenya looks to her friends in time of need. We come to you to vindicate our independence and sovereignty. Our unity is not a lie. The African Union is not an illusion.

The philosophy of divide-and rule, which worked against us all those years before, cannot shackle us to the ground in our Season of Renaissance. Our individual and collective sovereignty requires us to take charge of our destiny, and fashion African solutions to African problems.

It will be disingenuous, Excellencies, to pretend that there is no concern, if not outrage, over the manner in which ICC has handled not just the Kenyan, but all cases before it. All the cases currently before it arise from Africa.

Yet Africa is not the only continent where international crimes are being committed. Out of over 30 cases before the court, NONE relates to a situation outside Africa. All the people indicted before that court, ever since its founding have been Africans.

Every plea we have made to be heard before that court has landed upon deaf ears. When Your Excellencies’ resolution was communicated to the Court through a letter to its president, it was dismissed as not being properly before the Court and therefore ineligible for consideration.

When a civil society organisation wrote a letter bearing sensational and prejudicial fabrications, the Court took urgent and substantial decisions based on it. Before the ICC, African sovereign nations’ resolutions are NOTHING compared with the opinions of civil society activists.

The AU is the bastion of African sovereignty, and the vanguard of our unity. Yet the ICC deems it altogether unworthy of the minutest consideration. Presidents Kikwete, Museveni, Jonathan and Zuma have pronounced themselves on the court’s insensitivity, arrogance and disrespect.

Leaders in my country have escalated their anxiety to the national Parliament, where a legislative process to withdraw altogether from the Rome Treaty is under consideration. As I said, it would not be right to ignore the fact that concern over the conduct of the ICC is strong and widespread.

There is very little that remains for me to say about the slights that the ICC continue to visit upon the nations and people of Africa. We want to believe in due process before the ICC, but where is it being demonstrated?

We want to see the ICC as fair and even-handed throughout the world, but what can we do when everyone but Africa is exempt from accountability? We would love nothing more than to have an international forum for justice and accountability, but what choice do we have when we get only bias and race-hunting at the ICC? Isn’t respect part of justice?

Aren’t our sovereign institutions worthy of deference within the framework of international law? If so, what justice can be rendered by a court which disregards our views?

Our mandate is clear: sovereignty and unity. This is the forum for us to unite and categorically vindicate our overeignty.

Excellencies, I turn to you trusting that we will be faithful to our charge, to each other, and to our people.

I have utmost confidence that this Assembly’s voice will be clear to the entire world. Like other African countries, Kenya did not achieve its independence with ease. Blood was shed for it.

Your Excellencies,

I thank you. God Bless you. God Bless AfricaChair of the African Union, Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn, Chair of the Commission of the African Union, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, Colleagues Head of State and Government, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen, It gives me special pleasure to join your Excellencies at this Special Summit, where we have assembled to reflect on very significant matters relating to the welfare and destiny of our nations and peoples.

I thank you for the honour of addressing you today, because as it happens, I crave my brother and sister Excellencies' views on some issues. We are privileged to lead the nations of a continent on the rise.

Africa rests at the centre of global focus as the continent of the future. Although we have been relentlessly exploited in the past, we remain with sufficient resources to invest in a prosperous future.

Whilst we have been divided and incited against one another before, we are now united and more peaceful.

Even as we grapple with a few regional conflicts, as Africans, we are taking proactive measures to ensure that all our people move together in the journey to prosperity in a peaceful home.

Even though we were dominated and controlled by imperialists and colonial interests in years gone by, we are now proud, independent and sovereign nations and people. We are looking to the future with hope, marching towards the horizon with confidence and working in unity.

This is the self evident promise that Africa holds for its people today. As leaders, we are the heirs of freedom fighters, and our founding fathers. These liberation heroes founded the Organisation of African Unity, which was dedicated to the eradication of ALL FORMS OF COLONIALSM.

Towards this end, the OAU defended the interests of independent nations and helped the cause of those that were still colonised. It sought to prevent member states from being controlled once again by outsider powers.

The founding fathers of African Unity were conscious that structural colonialism takes many forms, some blatant and extreme, like apartheid, while others are subtler and deceptively innocuous, like some forms of development assistance.

It has been necessary, therefore, for African leaders to constantly watch out against threats to our peoples' sovereignty and unity.

In our generation, we have honoured our fathers' legacies by guaranteeing that through the African Union, our countries and our people shall achieve greater unity, and that the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of our States shall not be trifled with.

More than ever, our destiny is in our hands. Yet at the same time, more than ever, it is imperative for us to be vigilant against the persistent machinations of outsiders who desire to control that destiny. We know what this does to our nations and people: subjugation and suffering.

Your Excellencies, The philosophies, ideologies, structures and institutions that visited misery upon millions for centuries ultimately harm their perpetrators. Thus the imperial exploiter crashes into the pits of penury. The arrogant world police is crippled by shambolic domestic dysfunction.

These are the spectacles of Western decline we are witnessing today. At the same time, other nations and continents rise and prosper. Africa and Asia continue to thrive, with their promise growing every passing day.

As our strength multiplies, and our unity gets deeper, those who want to control and exploit us become more desperate. Therefore, they abuse whatever power remains in their control.

The Swahili people say that one ascending a ladder cannot hold hands with one descending. The force of gravity will be compounded and the one going up only loses.

The International Criminal Court was mandated to accomplish these objectives by bringing to justice those criminal perpetrators who bear greatest responsibility for crimes.

Looking at the world in the past, at that time and even now, it was clear that there have always been instances of unconscionable impunity and atrocity that demand a concerted international response, and that there are vulnerable, helpless victims of these crimes who require justice as a matter of right.

This is the understanding, and the expectation of most signatories to the Rome Statute. The most active global powers of the time declined to ratify the Treaty, or withdrew somewhere along the way, citing several compelling grounds.

The British foreign secretary Robin Cook said at the time, that the International Criminal Court was not set up to bring to book Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom or Presidents of the United States. Had someone other than a Western leader said those fateful words, the word 'impunity' would have been thrown at them with an emphatic alacrity.

An American senator serving on the foreign relations committee echoed the British sentiments and said, "Our concern is that this is a court that is irreparably flawed, that is created with an independent prosecutor, with no checks and balances on his power, answerable to no state institution, and that this court is going to be used for politicized prosecutions."

The understanding of the States which subscribed to the Treaty in good faith was two-fold. First, that world powers were hesitant to a process that might make them accountable for such spectacularly criminal international adventures as the wars in Iraq, Syria, Libya, Afghanistan and other places, and such hideous enterprises as renditions and torture.

Such states did not, therefore, consider such warnings as applicable to pacific and friendly parties. Secondly, it was the understanding of good-faith subscribers that the ICC would administer and secure justice in a fair, impartial and independent manner and, as an international court, bring accountability to situations and perpetrators everywhere in the world. As well, it was hoped that the ICC would set the highest standards of justice and judicial processes.

Your Excellencies, As has been demonstrated quite thoroughly over the past decade, the good-faith subscribers had fallen prey to their high-mindedness and idealism. I do not need to tell your Excellencies about the nightmare my country in particular, and myself and my Deputy as individuals, have had to endure in making this realisation.

Western powers are the key drivers of the ICC process. They have used prosecutions as ruses and bait to pressure Kenyan leadership into adopting, or renouncing various positions. Close to 70 per cent of the Court's annual budget is funded by the European Union.

The threat of prosecution usually suffices to have pliant countries execute policies favourable to these countries.

Through it, regime-change sleights of hand have been attempted in Africa. A number of them have succeeded.

The Office of the Prosecutor made certain categorical pronouncements regarding eligibility for leadership of candidates in Kenya's last general election. Only a fortnight ago, the Prosecutor proposed undemocratic and unconstitutional adjustments to the Kenyan Presidency.

These interventions go beyond interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign State. They constitute a fetid insult to Kenya and Africa. African sovereignty means nothing to the ICC and its patrons. They also dovetail altogether too conveniently with the warnings given to Kenyans just before the last elections: choices have consequences.

This chorus was led by the USA, Britain, EU, and certain eminent persons in global affairs. It was a threat made to Kenyans against electing my Government. My Government's decisive election must be seen as a categorical rebuke by the people of Kenya of those who wished to interfere with our internal affairs and infringe our sovereignty.

Now Kenya has undergone numerous problems since its birth as a Republic 50 years ago. Yet over the same period, Kenya has also made tremendous progress. It is the same in all countries of Africa. At our Golden Jubilee, we look forward to a rebirth characterising the next 50 years, not a ceaseless harkening to our history.

I must make the point that we do not intend to forget, or discount the value of our history. Rather, we do want to learn from it, not live in it. As Kenya's President, it gives me a feeling of deep and lasting pride to know that I can count on the African Union to listen and help in trying times. Africa has always stood by our side.

When we faced violent disagreements over the 2007 election result, my distinguished predecessor, Mwai Kibaki came to you with a request for help, and you did not stint. You instituted a high-level team of Eminent Persons who came to our assistance.

Because of that, we were able to summon the confidence to speak to each other and agree. As a result, we put in place a 4-point plan, which not only put Kenya back on track, but formed the basis of the most rapid political, legal and social reform ever witnessed in our country.

Through it, we successfully mediated the dispute surrounding the 2007 election and pacified the country. A power-sharing coalition was formed with a mandate to undertake far-reaching measures to prevent future violent disputes, entrench the rule of law, prevent abuses of legal power and entrench equity in our body politic while also securing justice for the victims of the post-election violence.

We enacted a new, progressive constitution which instituted Devolution of power and resources, strengthened the protection of fundamental rights, and enhanced institutional and political checks and balances. It also provided the legal foundation for the national economic transformation roadmap, Vision 2030.

The project of national transformation presently underway in Kenya was given tremendous impetus by your Excellencies' needful intervention. On the basis of this constitution we have instituted legislation and established institutions to realise the people's basic rights, ensure transparency and accountability and protect the popular sovereignty of Kenyans.

A new Judiciary and electoral commission have ensured that we have credible elections and dispute resolution.

Your Excellencies, The people of Ethiopia warn against the deplorable presumption of chopping up meat for a lion; I cannot teach you your work, nor force you to accept my position.

Please institute a mechanism to empirically verify what I have told you. My part is to thank you on behalf of the people of Kenya for your help.

After the successful mediation of the post-election controversy in 2008, there was disagreement over the best way to bring the perpetrators of post-election violence to account and secure justice for the victims.

One proposal was to set up a local tribunal to try the cases, while another was to refer the matter to the ICC. The Mediator who had been appointed by your Excellencies referred the matter to the ICC when the disagreement persisted.

On the basis of this referral, the Prosecutor stated that he had launched investigations which, he claimed, established that 6 persons had committed crimes against humanity. According to the Prosecutor, your Excellencies, I fall among those men.

Your Excellencies,
From the beginning of the cases, I have fully cooperated with the Court in the earnest expectation that it afforded the best opportunity for me to clear my name. I have attended court whenever required and complied with every requirement made of me in connection with my case.

Other Kenyans charged before that court have similarly cooperated fully. The Government has cooperated to the maximum; the Court itself found that Kenya's Government has fully complied in 33 out of 37 instances, and was only prevented from cooperating 100 per cent by legal and constitutional constraints.

After my election, we have continued to fully cooperate. As earlier stated, we see it as the only means to achieve personal vindication, but also to protect our country from prejudice. As I address your Excellencies, my deputy is sitting - in person - in that Court.

Proceedings continue revealing the evidence against us to be reckless figments and fabrications every passing day. I cannot narrate quite accurately the calculated humiliation and stigma the prosecution has inflicted on us at every turn, within and outside the proceedings.

It is all consistent with a political agenda, rather than a quest for justice. For 5 years I have strained to cooperate fully, and have consistently beseeched the Court to expedite the cases.

Yet the gratuitous libel and prejudice I have encountered at the instance of the Prosecution seeks to present me as a fugitive from justice who is guilty as charged. All I have requested as President is to be allowed to execute my constitutional obligations as the forensic side of things is handled by my lawyers.

Even as we maintain our innocence, it has always been my position, shared by my deputy, that the events of 2007 represented the worst embarrassment to us as a nation, and a shock to our self-belief.

We almost commenced the rapid descent down the precipitous slope of destruction and anarchy. Its aftermath was similarly an unbearable shame.

We are a people who properly take pride in our achievements and our journey as a nation. The fact that over that time we had lost direction, however briefly, was traumatising.

That is the genesis of our rebirth. Until our ascension to the Presidency of Kenya, thousands of internally-displaced persons remained in camps.

It is generally difficult to resettle many people owing to scarcity of land and sensitivity to their preference. But we have undertaken to ensure that no Kenyan will be left behind in our journey to progress.

Resettling the IDP therefore was a particularly urgent assignment for us. Within 6 months of assuming office, we resettled all of them, and closed the displacement camps for good. Our efforts at pacifying the main protagonists in the PEV have similarly borne fruit.

So much so, that the reconciliation efforts gave birth to a successful political movement which won the last general election. This not only speaks to the success of reconciliation, but also testifies to its popular endorsement by the majority of the people of Kenya.

We certainly do not bear responsibility at any level for the post-election violence of 2007, but as leaders, we felt it incumbent upon us to bear responsibility for reconciliation and leadership of peace.

Our Government wants to lead Kenya to prosperity founded on national stability and security. Peace is indispensable to this aspiration. Reconciliation, therefore was not merely good politics; it is key to everything we want to achieve as a Government.

Your Excellencies,
America and Britain do not have to worry about accountability for international crimes. Although certain norms of international law are deemed peremptory, this only applies to non-Western states. Otherwise, they are inert. It is this double standard and the overt politicisation of the ICC that should be of concern to us here today.

It is the fact that this court performs on the cue of European and American governments against the sovereignty of African States and peoples that should outrage us. People have termed this situation "race-hunting". I find great difficulty adjudging them wrong.

What is the fate of International Justice? I daresay that it has lost support owing to the subversive machinations of its key proponents. Cynicism has no place in justice. Yet it takes no mean amount of selfish and malevolent calculation to mutate a quest for accountability on the basis of truth, into a hunger for dramatic sacrifices to advance
geopolitical ends.

The ICC has been reduced into a painfully farcical pantomime, a travesty that adds insult to the injury of victims. It stopped being the home of justice the day it became the toy of declining
imperial powers.

This is the circumstance which today compels us to agree with the reasons US, China, Israel, India and other non-signatory States hold for abstaining from the Rome Treaty.

In particular, the very accurate observations of John R Bolton who said, "For numerous reasons, the United States decided that the ICC had unacceptable consequences for our national sovereignty. Specifically, the ICC is an organization that runs contrary to fundamental American precepts and basic constitutional principles of popular sovereignty, checks and balances and national independence."

Our mandate as AU, and as individual African States is to protect our own and each other's independence and sovereignty. The USA and other nations abstained out of fear. Our misgivings are born of bitter experience.

Africa is not a third-rate territory of second-class peoples. We are not a project, or experiment of outsiders. It was always impossible for us to uncritically internalise notions of justice implanted through that most unjust of institutions: colonialism.

The West sees no irony in preaching justice to a people they have disenfranchised, exploited, taxed and brutalised.

Our history serves us well: we must distrust the blandishments of those who have drunk out of the poisoned fountain of imperialism.

The spirit of African pride and sovereignty has withstood centuries of severe tribulation. I invoke that spirit of freedom and unity today before you. It is a spirit with a voice that rings through all generations of human history. It is the eternal voice of a majestic spirit which will never die.

Kenya is striving mightily, and wants to work with its neighbours and friends everywhere to attain a better home, region and world. Kenya seeks to be treated with dignity as a proud member of the community of nations which has contributed immensely, with limited resources, to the achievement of peace, security and multilateralism.

Kenya looks to her friends in time of need. We come to you to vindicate our independence and sovereignty. Our unity is not a lie. The African Union is not an illusion.

The philosophy of divide-and rule, which worked against us all those years before, cannot shackle us to the ground in our Season of Renaissance. Our individual and collective sovereignty requires us to take charge of our destiny, and fashion African solutions to African problems.

It will be disingenuous, Excellencies, to pretend that there is no concern, if not outrage, over the manner in which ICC has handled not just the Kenyan, but all cases before it. All the cases currently before it arise from Africa.

Yet Africa is not the only continent where international crimes are being committed. Out of over 30 cases before the court, NONE relates to a situation outside Africa. All the people indicted before that court, ever since its founding have been Africans.

Every plea we have made to be heard before that court has landed upon deaf ears. When Your Excellencies’ resolution was communicated to the Court through a letter to its president, it was dismissed as not being properly before the Court and therefore ineligible for consideration.

When a civil society organisation wrote a letter bearing sensational and prejudicial fabrications, the Court took urgent and substantial decisions based on it. Before the ICC, African sovereign nations’ resolutions are NOTHING compared with the opinions of civil society activists.

The AU is the bastion of African sovereignty, and the vanguard of our unity. Yet the ICC deems it altogether unworthy of the minutest consideration. Presidents Kikwete, Museveni, Jonathan and Zuma have pronounced themselves on the court’s insensitivity, arrogance and disrespect.

Leaders in my country have escalated their anxiety to the national Parliament, where a legislative process to withdraw altogether from the Rome Treaty is under consideration. As I said, it would not be right to ignore the fact that concern over the conduct of the ICC is strong and widespread.

There is very little that remains for me to say about the slights that the ICC continue to visit upon the nations and people of Africa. We want to believe in due process before the ICC, but where is it being demonstrated?

We want to see the ICC as fair and even-handed throughout the world, but what can we do when everyone but Africa is exempt from accountability? We would love nothing more than to have an international forum for justice and accountability, but what choice do we have when we get only bias and race-hunting at the ICC? Isn’t respect part of justice?

Aren’t our sovereign institutions worthy of deference within the framework of international law? If so, what justice can be rendered by a court which disregards our views?

Our mandate is clear: sovereignty and unity. This is the forum for us to unite and categorically vindicate our overeignty.

Excellencies, I turn to you trusting that we will be faithful to our charge, to each other, and to our people.

I have utmost confidence that this Assembly’s voice will be clear to the entire world. Like other African countries, Kenya did not achieve its independence with ease. Blood was shed for it.

Your Excellencies,

I thank you. God Bless you. God Bless Africa

FRED GUMO BLASTS ICC AND KOFI ANNAN FOR WANTING PRESIDENT UHURU KENYATTA TO SIT TRIALS AT THE HAGUE


 Watch Clip here
O.D.M. strongman, former cabinet minister and Former Westlands MP Fred Gumo has decided to swim against the currents of his party and strongly criticized The International Criminal Court for demanding that President Uhuru Kenyatta sit trials in person at the Hague

In a move that surprised many, Mr. Gumo told the Hague based court to let Uhuru deal with his constitutional duties and that even if the Current judges died or retired, when Uhuru finishes his term, there will be other Judges
"Kwani Uhuru atakuwa Raisi milele? wangoje tumalize mambo yetu hapa kwanza!" said Gumo "I would want that case ilale hadi ile siku Raisi Uhuru atatoka

Mr. Gumo also fired at Koffi Annan for predicting a negative outcome should Africa withdraw from the Rome statute that made the ICC.
"Watu wengi wanafanya kwa hiyo UN ni kwa sababu nchi zao zimekuwa na shida, Kwani si hata huyo Annan alienda huko juu Ghana ilikuwa na shida, wewe unafikiria alienda huko kwa raha?" He further said

Mr Gumo is a member of the ODM party which is strongly advocating for the continuation of the ICC cases, irrespective  of the fact that Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto are President and Deputy President (respectively)of the Republic of Kenya.

This comes as the African Union held a summit to discuss and audit the Continent's relationship with the ICC
A strong anti-ICC feeling is sweeping across the Continent 

 

SUMMARY OF AN ANTI-KENYA, PRO-ICC EMAIL SUPPORTED BY , DESMOND TUTU,KOFI ANNAN & BOTSWANA GOVT

-In just 2 days’ time, African leaders could kill off a great institution, leaving the world a more dangerous place. -The International Criminal Court (ICC) is the world’s first and only global court to adjudicate crimes against humanity. -But leaders of Sudan and Kenya, who have inflicted terror and fear across their countries, are trying to drag Africa out of the ICC, allowing them the freedom to kill, rape, and inspire hatred without consequences. I know that together we can change this. But we have to join hands and call on the voices of reason at the African Union (AU) – Nigeria and South Africa – to speak out and ensure that the persecuted are protected by the ICC. -Join me by adding your name to the petition now and share it with everyone -- when we have hit 1 million our petition will be delivered straight into the AU conference hall where Africa’s
leaders are meeting in Addis Ababa. -In my years of work, life and travel, the fight for justice has been a long and arduous one. I have seen the very worst in Darfur and Rwanda, but also the very best with the reconciliation in South Africa. -During this journey, I have seen great gains made that protect the weak from the strong and give us all hope. '

The ICC is one of these beacons of hope. -This threat to the ICC started precisely because the court was doing its job. It charged Kenya's Deputy President for killing people who rallied against him during an election and Sudan's President for murdering women and children in Darfur. -Now Kenya and Sudan are lobbying all of Africa to pull out of the court and destroy its chance of success. -But in Darfur, Congo, Cote D’Ivoire and Kenya, the ICC has played a key role in bringing hope to those terrified by the armies, militias and madmen that have waged war against the innocent.

 It’s a light in the darkness that cannot be allowed to go out. -The main argument by some leaders with a guilty conscience is that the ICC is a Western witch-hunt as most of the investigations have happened in Africa. But this couldn’t be further from the truth. -This was an institution that was created by 20 African countries, 5 of the court’s 18 judges are African and the chief prosecutor is African. - Friday is a key judgement day. Will our African leaders stand on the side of justice or injustice? With survivors and fallen victims or with tyrants and oppressors? -This is the moment to choose. Join me in calling on African leaders to stand on the side of justice and support the International Criminal Court: - I've seen some of the brightest moments in human history, moments where we together brought hope to so many. This is our chance to do that again, together.

Tuesday, 8 October 2013

ODM SENATOR TELLS RAILA TO RETIRE FROM POLITICS!!


A CORD  senator has called on the former Prime Minister Raila Odinga to retire from politics and pave way for Wiper leader Kalonzo Musyoka to contest for presidency in 2017.
Taita Taveta Senator Dan Mwanzo said it was time for Mr Odinga to give a chance to Mr Musyoka to run for presidency.

He said ODM as a party should support the former vice president to be CORD’s flag bearer in the next general elections.

Mr Mwanzo was speaking at Kalembe Ndile's campaign trail at Makindu Grounds in Kibwezi when he made the remarks, which we can authoritatively confirm are already causing a jitters within ODM, Some ODM MPs were planning to hold a press conference this evening to respond to Sen. Mwanzo' remarks but did not go through with it for some reason.

This comes as young leaders within ODM  are pressuring and challenging the older generation to hand over the Reigns to younger people, How ODM will hold up, only the future can tell
 

THE PLOT TO FRAME RUTO PART TWO: HOW NGOS AND RAILA'S ALLIES FAKED EVIDENCE

via (http://www.thejackalnews.com)
John Busii is the founder director of HIRTO, the Highway Rescue Team Organisation which works in the Rift Valley to promote food security and peace.. It is a small and underfunded NGO compared with others in this story but Busii is well respected and serves as the chairman of the Regulatory Committee of Kenya’s National Council of NGOs. He is not a friend or supporter of Ruto and is a life member of a rival political party. He was able to give me fresh information on the plot to frame Ruto and has decided to speak out publicly for the first time.

I asked John Busii about the claims made by some of the original witnesses against Ruto that Senator Omar Hassan. formerly of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights and Ken Wafula, formerly chairman of the National Council for NGOs had been bribing them. Busii stated that in a conversation in late 2010 at the Midland Hotel Nakuru Ken Wafula had admitted to recruiting poor witnesses willing to give testimony against Ruto in return for reward and helping to relocate them abroad. Wafula had said John Busii would be shocked when he found out how Ruto had been fixed and that he hoped Ruto would spend 20 or 30 years in jail which would be a triumph for human rights campaigners.

I asked if it was possible that Wafula sincerely believed in Ruto’s guilt. Busii replied that the motivation of both Wafula and Omar Hassan was their support for the former Prime Minister Raila Odinga who viewed Ruto as a threat to his presidential ambitions. Odinga was the candidate who was officially defeated by President Kibaki in 2007, setting off the post election violence. He was supported at the time by William Ruto whose advocacy was influential in securing for Odinga the office of Prime Minister as a consolation prize. However both men were candidates for the 2013 elections creating intense rivalry between them. They were also rivals for the 2007 ODM nomination. As the testimony of other witnesses will show it was only after the original KNCHR investigation and the Waki commission that Hassan and Wafula started bribing witnesses. Ruto and Odinga were friends at the time of the KNCHR and Waki reports. Busii’s belief that Odinga’s allies were motivated by Ruto’s ambitions constitutes just one possible explanation of their behaviour. The testimony of my second witness, William Rono, suggests another. John Busii cited prejudice against the Kalenjin as an additional factor lying behind Ken Wafula’s campaign against Ruto. He also told me that the original report of the Kenyan National Commission on Human Rights into the post election violence did not implicate William Ruto. He says he saw the original report on their website.

Busii stated further that Ken Wafula had been bribing journalists to write articles attacking Ruto and supporting Wafula. On four occassions he saw Wafula paying the journalists. He said Wafula had been deposed as the chair of the NGO council in July 2012 at a meeting Busii chaired, for violation of the council’s rules and code of ethics. Busii helped to remove him in disgust at his antics. He added that he had no personal animus against Ken Wafula. His motivation was simply revulsion at the perversion of the course of justice and the original purposes of Kenya’s NGOs. Wafula claims that the special general assembly that ousted him was illegal. Others have counter claimed that the meeting that originally elected him was illegal and that he was never chairman in the first place.

In a complaint echoed by my other sources John Busii asked why the ICC did not conduct a full independent inquiry. The ICC have stated in response to similar complaints that they did not depend solely on the inquiries of the two main Kenyan investigations into the post election violence, that of the Kenya National Commission on human rights and the Waki Commission. This I believe. I shall be adducing testimony to show that many of the accusations against Ruto were manufactured after Waki’s inquiry due to the paucity of the original evidence.

Busii named as co-conspirators Muthoni Wanyeki of the Kenya Human Rights Commission, Professor Makau Mutua, an ICC consultant, Wambugu Ngumijiri a jounalist, Maina Kiai formerly chair of the Kenyan National Commission on Human Rights Njonjo Mue, formerly legal counsel to the same body and Martha Karua, former justice minister.

Martha Karua’s motivation must be assumed to be different from that of Odinga supporters such as Wafula and Hassan. She is a Kikuyu politician who was justice minister at the time of the 2007 elections. In January 2008 in an interview with BBCs Hardtalk she accused the Orange Democratic Movement, which then contained both Ruto and Odinga of planning the post election violence and organising ethnic cleansing. After the peace agreement she agreed to serve under Odinga. She could not therefore go after him and presumably went after Ruto because she wanted someone to pay for the crimes against her community.

John Busii’s evidence was invaluable but he didn’t claim a complete knowledge of the inner workings of the conspiracy. Fortunately many of the details were filled in for me by one of the original consprators, William Rono.

THE PLOT TO FRAME RUTO PART 1

via (http://www.thejackalnews.com)
I came to meet the honourable William Ruto, the Kenyan MP and (at the time) candidate for president, when he was chosen to be guest of honour at the launch of “Unyielding Hope:the Life and Times of Koitaleel Somoei”, a biography of the freedom fighter who led the resistance to the British invasion of Kenya which I had co-authored with a descendant of the subject. The only thing I knew about Ruto at the time was that he was indicted for crimes against humanity at the Hague. My Kenyan friends made haste to assure me that not only was he innocent but that he was the best person to launch the book, being the de facto leader of the Kalenjin ethnic group to which Koitaleel had belonged. However I could not be easy in my mind without determining for myself whether William Ruto was guilty of the terrible crimes of which he stood accused.
The accusations against him are that he helped to organise the violence that followed in the wake of the disputed result of the 2007 elections directed at the supporters of the allegedly victorious President Kibaki. This violence was racially charged with Kalenjin gangs attacking Kikuyus in the Rift valley. The worst incident, which shocked the conscience of the world, saw a church full of Kibaki supporters burned to death. There were also revenge atrocities committed by Government supporters. The Waki commission, established to investigate these troubles, named certain individuals whom it believed had organised or assisted the commission of crimes against humanity. These names were kept secret from the Kenyan public instead being passed on to Kofi Annan who passed them to the International Criminal Court. Six Kenyans were indicted by the Hague, though two of the cases (against Henry Kosgey and Mohammed Hussein Ali), were dropped  leaving two (Ruto and Joseph Sang) charged in connection with the original violence, and two others (rival presidential candidate Uhuru Kenyatta and former civil service chief Francis Muthaura) for the counterviolence.
Ruto’s alleged role in these troubles was as an organiser and financer. I asked my co author Kipchoge Araap Chomu, Executive Director of the Koitaleel Somoei foundation and our mutual friend the businessman Mike Cositany how they could be so confident that Ruto was not guilty. They replied that he couldn’t have organised the violence for the simple reason that the violence wasn’t organised. As soon as Kibaki’s alleged victory was announced the supporters of his opponent, Raila Odinga erupted into violence. This outcome was a reprise of the aftermath of the 1992 and 1997 elections which were also followed by violent outbursts.
After researching the matter I have decided that my friends were only partially right. I think there were ODM politicians who poured petrol on the flames once the violence had started and likely some who planned beforehand to cause havoc in the event of a stolen election. The question to be answered is whether Ruto was one of the guilty parties.
Some of the charges originally made against Ruto may not in the event be preferred at the ICC due to having been disproven in advance. For example that he was in one place handing out guns when he was captured by the Kenyan media in quite another. Other charges are a priori wildly implausible to anyone with a little local knowledge. Thus the Waki Commission entertained the notion that Kalenjin leaders in the Rift valley had organised a mass oathing ceremony in which the young men receiving circumcision swore to make war upon the Kikuyu. It has been claimed that 25 oxen supplied by William Ruto were sacrificed to seal the oath along with 25 dogs.
A minor problem with this narrative is that the Kalenjin have never sacrificed dogs. This was confirmed to me by the renowned authority on Kalenjin history and culture Dr Kipkoeech araap Sambu.The nearest historical paralell that he could came up with was the cutting in two of a dog to seal a peace treaty, a ceremony which did not take the form of a sacrifice. A weightier problem, pointed out by my friends, is that it would have been impossible to keep a conspiracy on this scale a secret. As Kalenjin community leaders they would have had to have known. So if the Waki commission is right my friends are lying to me when they say there was no conspiracy by the Kalenjin community against the other peoples of Kenya. My friends did not claim that there were no atrocities committed with premeditation and they believed the counter violence showed the hallmarks of organisation. Rather it was that they insisted that the original explosion of violence in 2007 was just that, an explosion which Ruto could not possibly have controlled.
Believers in the Kalenjin conspiracy may say that, after all, it did not remain a secret. A handful of brave witnesses have blown the whistle and are due to testify at the Hague. So what about these witnesses? Kipchoge told me that he knew two of the witnesses, one of them against Henry Kosgey (whose case was eventually dismissed), another against Ruto. He had asked the witnesses why they were lying and was told they had been offered money, safe houses and relocation to a country of their choice for asylum. They said the opportunity was too good to miss.”I need to eat” said one. When I asked Kipchoge who was responsible for bribing the witnesses he surprised me by claiming NGOs were responsible. However when I looked into it I found that some of the original witnesses against Ruto had recanted, claiming they had been bribed by the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) a supposedly autonomous Government body. My friend’s arguments persuaded me of Ruto’s likely innocence and I appeared with him at the book launch. However NGOs  made for unlikely villains and I felt compelled to dig deeper.
I went on to speak to one of the original witnesses against Ruto, whom I shall call X, as he is not yet willing to be named. X told me that during the post election violence he had witnessed atrocities against Kikuyu and had given evidence to the Waki commission about the actual perpetrators who, he says, remain free to this day. Prior to giving evidence he met the then justice minister and current presidential candidate, Martha Karua, who called a lawyer Njenga Mwagi who persuaded X to introduce a rumour about Ruto in the last paragraph of his statement.
X was first asked to improve his story by Ken Wafula founder of the Centre for Human Rights and Democracy and subsequently chairman of Kenya’s National Council for NGOs. He said that Omar Hassan of the Kenya  National Commission on Human Rights and Martha Karua also pressured him to further incriminate Ruto. In return for implicating Ruto he was housed in luxury accomodation, paid 60,000 Kenyan shillings a month from the KNCHR plus 45,000 a month from US Aid Kenya and promised relocation abroad.
The claim that Wafula and Hassan had bribed witnesses is one that has been aired before. Ken Wafula, responding  to the claims in the Daily Nation, admitted that witnesses had been housed in apartments costing 120,000 shillings a month and had been paid 60,000 a month “subsistence”. He said other groups were paying the same individuals 70,000 a month. To put this in perspective 60,000 Kenyan shillings is arond £450, an amount which could be described as a subsistence allowance in the UK. In Kenya however, where the majority of the population live on a dollar or two a day per family member it is a handsome sum. Xs allowance came to around £800. According to Wafula’s own testimony others were receiving £1000 a month. The monthly rental allowance for witnesses also works at around £1000.
X told me that the witnesses who received these allowances were poor people, many of them unemployed and that the money was dependent on their accusing William Ruto. He said that he and the other witnesses against Ruto had met together to concoct their testimony. I did not know what weight to place on X’s testimony, I thought he was telling the truth but logically he had either lied in the past or was lying now.
I managed to make contact with John Busii the chairman of the regulatory committee for Kenya’s National Council of NGOs. If anyone was in a position to tell me what was going on he was, I reasoned.
PART TWO COMING UP NEXT